Traditional Wisdom: Building Types of the Minangkabau of West Sumatra

By Ezrin Arbi

The different types of buildings that constitute Minangkabau vernacular buildings have been studied by Navis (1986) and Syamsidar (1991). Syamsidar recorded four types of buildings according to their functions; namely rumah tampek tingga (residential house), rumah tampek manyimpan (house of storing), rumah musyawarat (house for meeting) and rumah ibadat (house of worship). Actually there are two other typologies, namely lapau (food stall) and dangau (small huts on the paddy fields), but they are usually excluded from any discussion of traditional architecture, presumably because they are too simple a structure.

The types of building found in various categories of traditional Minangkabau settlements apparently are subject to certain adat practices. In a taratak, that is the simplest form of settlement, only huts and sheds were to be built, and no rumah gonjong (house with sharp gable end roof) were allowed. As the taratak develops into a dusun (hamlet), a variety of permanent houses in the form of tungkuih nasi (rice wrapping), kajang padati (cart roof) and dangau laying-layang (swallow shed) were built. According to Ibenzani (1985:160), in the old days the type of a house to be built depended on the social status of its future occupants.

At this stage of development, the house type with gonjong (pinnacle, sharp gable end), known as rumah gadang (lit. great house), that have become the cultural symbol of Minangkabau house may be built, but the number of gonjong was limited to two on account of the non-existence of panghulu. Adat stipulates that rumah gadang with four gonjong or more could only be built when several dusun combine or develop into a koto (fortified hamlet) where a panghulu would have to be elected.

In addition to houses, each koto has a surau (dormitory-prayer house) a place to impart religious knowledge to youths and provide accommodation for adolescents and widowed male members of the community. It has been postulated that surau is in fact the metamorphosis of rumah bujang (lit. adolescent house) which during pre-Islamic era had similar functions, but instead of religion it was the place where the youths learnt about adat and useful skills in their everyday life (Syamsul, 1994). After the conversion to Islam, the term surau is eventually understood as a small prayer hall for everyday use, but does not meet the requirement for Friday common prayer as prescribed by the religion. Meanwhile, the surau, which every kaum traditionally has, continues to function as place of prayer and for the children to learn about religion, but its use as a dormitory is now diminishing.

Another building type known as a rangkiang or lumbueng (the two Minang words are used interchangeably) is a granary or rice barn for storing kaum’s rice. These are specially built and located in front of a rumah gadang. Navis (1986:187) and Syamsidar (1991:52) are of the opinion that the word rangkiang was originally ruang hyang meaning the house of goddess, which in the pre-Islamic era was highly revered as the protector of rice cultivation. As Rudofsky (1964:5) highlighted in many traditional societies where food is regarded as a divine gift there is a tendency for the architecture of granaries to be solemn. In the Minang’s case the simple but handsome structure which is especially located in front of and adorned with colourful wood carvings often more elaborate than those usually found in the rumah gadang itself.

One of the most outstanding components of the Minangkabau vernacular buildings to be found in every koto and nagari is known as balairung or balai adat or just balai (council hall, assembly house) for short. It looks similar to rumah gadang, but consists of a single elongated room which, compared with the latter is narrower, longer and empty without rooms and kitchen. Located at the most prominent place in a koto and nagari, the balai which is the meeting place for all the panghulu representing the koto that combine to form the nagari, is the place where they deliberate and discuss problems faced by the nagari (Bahauddin, 1984; Ibenzani, 1985; Navis, 1986; Elim, 1989, Syamsidar, 1991).

The socio-political systems or lareh mentioned earlier, in physical terms are also reflected in the design of the assembly house. If the majority of population in a koto or nagari is followers of lareh Bodi-Caniago, the balai koto (koto’s assembly house) and balai nagari (nagari’s assembly house) will be designed in Bodi-Caniago style, with one level floor from side to side and end to end of the building. Conversely, when the members of the clan under Koto-Piliang are dominant, the design of its balai will follow Koto-Piliang style in which the floor of the assembly house has its end parts stepped up and raised from the main floor. These parts which at the same time project out from the main building are called anjueng is the place where panghule pucuek (the highest chieftan), raja or his representative was supposed to sit when the meeting in session (Bahauddin, 1984; Ibenzani, 1985; Navis, 1986; Elim, 1989, Syamsidar, 1991).

One of the pre-requisites of a nagari is that it must have an assembly hall and a mosque. Tambo emphasized that the assembly hall comes first implying that the democratic way of life was already practised before the new religion came. After the advent of Islam Minang vernacular architecture was enriched with the new building types firstly mosque, where people pray and perform their religious activities and surau a small prayer hall cum sleeping place. Since adat insists only one mosque may be built in each koto and nagari, they both become the symbol of the entity and identity of each of the two categories of settlements. Beside balai adat (council hall) each nagari is only allowed to build one mosque, thus making these two buildings play a unifying role and become the symbol of unity in the nagari.

It is thought that the inclusion of a mosque as one of the pre-requisites of a nagari started when the royal family was converted and the first Muslim King: Sultan Alif ruled in the early 17th century, during whose reign active trading with the Achenese who had been converted earlier made it easy for Islam to spread in Alam Minangkabau.

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